Hey, does anybody know what were the agenda Maoists put in 2052 before they went for armed struggle.

Would be appreciated.

The following piece may be of some interest. It is written by Bhojraj Bhat and is excerpted from the current issue of "Nepal" magazine posted in the Kantipur portal. For more information on Maobadi war stuffs, read the cover page article of the magazine. In a few days time, they might shift this issue to the archives.

गोर्खादेखि नमोबुद्धसम्म
२०५२ फागुनमा जनयुद्ध थाल्नु एक महिनाअघि अर्थात् माघमा माओवादीका १७ जना केन्द्रीय सदस् यहरूको बैठक गोरखाको आरूघाटमा बस्यो । जुन माओवादीवृत्तमा 'गोरखा बैठक' भनेर चिनिन्छ । नेपालको भू-परविेश र सामाजिक स्थितिलाई मूल्याङ्कन गरेर माओवादीहरूले अर्धसामन्ती र अर्धऔपनिवेशिक साम्राज्यवाद दुवै भएकाले नेपालमा माओत्सेतुङ्को 'दीर्घकालीन सशस्त्र जनयुद्ध' कोे रणनीति अवलम्बन गर्ने निर्णय गरेका थिए । माओले २८ वर्षपछि मात्र सफलता हासिल गरेको विश्लेषण गर्दै नयाँ युगमा त्यसको आधा समयमै सफलता हासिल गरसिक्नुपर्ने रणनीति गोरखा बैठकमा तय गरयिो । अर्थात्, १५ वर्षको मोटामोटी दीर्घकालीन जनयुद्धको परकिल्पना पारति भयो । त्यही बैठकमा १७ जना सबैले एउटा सामूहिक फोटो खिचाएका थिए । माओवादीका एक जना केन्द्रीय सदस्य भन्छन्, "हामीमध्ये कोही पनि पहिलो योजनामै -छ महिनाभित्रै) आधाभन्दा बढी दुश्मनबाट मारनि सक्छौँ भनेर सम्झनास्वरूप त्यसरी तस्वीर लिएका थियौँ । यदि त्यसरी मृत्युवरण गर्नुपरेमा पनि जनयुद्ध जारी राख्ने प्रतिबद्धता जाहेर गर्‍यौँ ।" गोरखा बैठकले अर्को महत्त्वपूर्ण सातबुँदे प्रतिबद्धता पारति गर्‍यो, जसमा 'एकपटक हतियार उठाएपछि त्यसलाई अन्तसम्म लैजाने दृढताबिना सशस्त्र सङ्घर्षको थालनी गर्नु सर्वहारा वर्ग एवम् आमजनताप्रति अपराध हुने' उल्लेख छ । त्यसमा भनिएको छ, "यो सङ्घर्ष जनताको स्थितिमा आंशिक सुधार गर्ने, प्रतिक्रियावादी वर्गलाई दबाब दिई सामान्य सम्झौतामा टुङ्ग्याउने साधन बन्न कदापि दिइने छैन ।" -हेर्नुस्, प्रतिवद्धताका सात बुँदाहरू)
गोरखा बैठकमा उल्लिखित दुई निर्णयहरू १० वर्षसम्म अक्षरशः पालना गरे, माओवादीहरूले । हतियारको आडमा उनीहरूले ठूल्ठूला आक्रमणहरू गरे, सँगसँगै शहरमा विद्रोहको आधार बनाउने रणनीतिअनुरूप आन्दोलन, हडताल, विरोध प्रदर्शन पनि एकसाथ चलाए । फौजी कारबाहीमार्फत आफ्नो राजनीतिक उद्देश्य पूरा गर्न नसके पनि नेतृत्वको सुरक्षा गर्नमा माओवादीहरू सफल देखिए । कहाँसम्म भने उनीहरूले दुईतिहाइ नेतृत्व समाप्त भए पनि जनयुद्ध जारी राख्ने कसम खाएका थिए, जसअनुरूप द्वन्द्वका क्रममा १५ हजार नेपाली मारएि पनि माओवादीको एकतिहाइभन्दा कम नेतृत्वको क्षति भयो । यसबीचमा माओवादीहरूले आठवटा कार्ययोजना बनाए, त्यसपछि मात्र ०६१ साल भदौमा रणनैतिक प्रत्याक्रमणको पहिलो र ०६२ असोजमा दोस्रो योजना घोषणा गरेका हुन्् ।
०४८ सालमा भएको राष्ट्रिय अधिवेशनले जनयुद्ध गर्ने नीति पारति गरेपछि अहिलेका माओवादीहरूले त्यसपछिको तीन वर्षको अवधिमा चार तयारी गरेको पाइन्छ । साङ्गठनिक तयारी, सेना निर्माण, मोर्चा निर्माण र प्रचारप्रसारको अभियान । यही बेला माओवादीले एक दर्जनजति कार्यकर्ताहरू -पासाङ, अनन्त, बलदेव आदि) लाई भारतको 'पिपुल्स वार गु्रप' सँग हतियारसम्बन्धी विशेष तालिम गर्न पठाएको बताइन्छ । जनयुद्धको शुरूवातपछि त भारतीय माओवादीहरूले नेपालमै आएर तालिम दिएको खुलासा भइसकेको छ । ०५५ सालको चौथो विस्तारति बैठकले दुई नीति पारति गर्‍यो । चीनमा माओको व्यक्तित्व र दरलिो एकल नेतृत्व अघि सारेर क्रान्ति अघि बढाइएझैँ प्रचण्डको तस्वीर सार्वजनिक गर्ने र आधार इलाकाको निर्माणको व्यापक तयारी गर्ने । यसपछि माओवादीभित्र अर्को महत्त्वपूर्ण बैठक मानिन्छ, भारतको पञ्जावमा भएको दोस्रो राष्ट्रिय सम्मेलन । ०५७ मा भएको यस सम्मेलनबाट प्रचण्डलाई महामन्त्रीबाट अध्यक्ष बनाइयो र ग्रामीण वर्ग सङ्घर्ष तथा शहरी विद्रोहको 'फ्युजन' का रूपमा प्रचण्डपथ ल्याइयो ।
यहाँसम्म आइपुग्दा माओवादीहरूले 'दीर्घकालीन जनयुद्धबाट मात्र राज्यसत्ता कब्जा गर्न सकिन्न' भन्ने भित्री मूल्याङ्कन गरसिकेका थिए । त्यसैले होला, ०५६ देखि उनीहरूले ठूलो फौजी आक्रमण गर्ने र लगत्तै वार्ताको आह्वान गर्ने रणनीति अपनाए । तर, सोचेअनुरूप सफलता पाएनन् । पहिलो वार्ता ठोस एजेण्डामा नै प्रवेश नगरी टुङ्गियो । त्यसबाट पाठ सिक्दै माओवादीहरूले दोस्रो वार्ताको पूर्वतयारी क्रममा ०६० सालको अन्त्यतिर '२१ औँ शताब्दीको जनवादको विकास' नामक मार्गनिर्देशक बनाए, जसमा परम्परावादी कम्युनिष्टहरूको अधिनायकत्व्ा राज्यसत्ताभन्दा बहुदलीय प्रतिस्पर्धाको कुरा समेटियो । त्यसपछि बल्ल माओवादीहरूले आफूलाई सही प्रजातान्त्रिक शक्ति भएको दाबी गर्न थालेका हुन् ।
माओवादीहरू हालको अवस्थामा आइपुग्नुमा चुनबाङ बैठकले नै ढोका खुला गरििदएको हो । सोही बैठकमा माओवादीहरूले नेपालको ८० प्रतिशत भूभाग आफ्ना कारणले कब्जा भएको भन्ने निष्कर्ष सच्याउँदै 'साम्राज्यवादी' हरूले जनयुद्ध लम्ब्याउने षड्यन्त्र गरेर गाउँ खाली गरििदएको निष्कर्ष निकालेका थिए । जसका विरुद्ध माओवादीहरूले गाउँ खाली गरी शहरकेन्दि्रत आक्रमण गर्ने रणनीति बनाए । र, सँगसँगै सात दलसँग मिलेर शहरकेन्दि्रत आन्दोलन गर्ने निर्णयमा पुगे । त्यसैको परण्िााम हो, १२ बुँदे सहमति ।
सात दलसँग मिलेर जनआन्दोलन-२ गरेपछि माओवादीहरूले सोचेविपरीत राजनीतिक घटनाक्रम विकसित भए । ०६३ वैशाखको अन्त्यतिर पञ्जावमा बसेको माओवादीको विशेष बैठकले जनआन्दोलनलाई जनविद्राेहमा परण्िात गर्न नसकेको आत्मसमीक्षा गर्‍यो । 'जनआन्दोलनको उभार जनताको मन जितेर हुन्छ, बन्दुक तर्साएर होइन' भन्ने कुराको ख्याल भएर होला, माओवादीहरूले सशस्त्र जनयुद्धको रणनीतिमा परविर्तन ल्याए । शान्तिवार्ता र सङ्घर्षको दोहोरो रणनीति एकसाथ अघि बढाउने नीति पारति गरे, जसलाई 'अपि्रल थेसिस' पनि भनियो । पछिल्लो अवस्  थामा यस रणनीतिबाट सफलता हासिल गर्ने स्थिति नदेखेपछि एकाएक कामीडाँडा बैठक बोलाइयो । यस बैठकले गाउँमा जनयुद्ध पनि जारी राख्ने, शहरमा शान्तिवार्ताको पहल गर्ने, त्यसका लागि आवश्यक दबाब जारी राख्ने र कूटनीतिक पहल पनि बढाउने रणनीति ल्यायो । यसो गर्नुको पछाडि माओवादीहरूले दबाबबाट शान्तिवार्ता गराउनु थियो । नभन्दै वार्ताबाटै छिनोफानो हुने सङ्केत देखियो । तिहारलगत्तै माओवादीको पुनः आकस्मिक बैठक बस्यो, जसले वार्ताको शीर्षस् थ नेतृत्व गरेका प्रचण्डलाई थप प्राधिकार दिएको थियो । अन्ततः राजाको छिनोफानो संविधानसभाको पहिलो बैठकमै साधारण बहुमतबाट गर्ने शर्तमा माओवादीहरू सरकारमा जाने सहमति भयो ।

And also this:
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विद्रोह थाल्नुअघिका सात प्रतिबद्धता
· देशको विशिष्टताअनुसार गाउँबाट शहर घेर्ने रणनीतिमा आधारति दीर्घकालीन जनयुद्धका रूपमा अघि बढ्ने प्रक्रियाको पहलकदमीको योजना निर्माणका लागि माक्र्सवादी सैन्य सिद्धान्तका रूपमा जनयुद्ध अविचलन नरहने प्रतिज्ञा गर्दछ ।
· एकपटक हतियार उठाएपछि त्यसलाई अन्तसम्म लैजाने दृढताबिना सशस्त्र सङ्घर्षको थालनी गर्नु सर्वहारा वर्ग एवम् आमजनताप्रति अपराध हुने कुरामा हामी दृढ छौँ । यो सङ्घर्ष जनताको स्थितिमा आंशिक सुधार गर्ने, प्रतिक्रियावादी वर्गलाई दबाब दिई सामान्य सम्झौतामा टुङ्ग्याउने साधन बन्न कदापि दिइने छैन ।
· यो योजना सर्वहारा अन्तर्राष्ट्रियवादको महान् भावनामा आधारति रहनेछ । हाम्रो पार्टी यस सन्दर्भमा माक्र्सवाद-लेनिनवाद, माओवादको निर्देशनमा विश्व क्रान्ति अघि बढाउन तथा नयाँ अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय निर्माणको दिशामा अघि बढिरहेको 'क्रान्तिकारी अन्तर्राष्ट्रियवादी आन्दोलन' -रमि) को विकासमा अझ बढी सहयोग पुर्‍याउने कुरालाई गम्भीरतापूर्वक लिन्छ ।
· हाम्रो यो योजना नयाँ जनवादी क्रान्ति कालमा सर्वहारावर्गको पार्टीको नेतृत्वमा क्रान्तिकारी संयुक्त मोर्चा र क्रान्तिकारी सेना निर्माणको सैद्धान्तिक मान्यतामा आधारति रहनेछ ।
· हाम्रो यो योजना सर्वहारावर्गको पार्टीको स्वतन्त्र आत्मनिर्णयको अधिकारको मान्यताअनुसार बन्नेछ । पार्टीको नेतृत्वमा सामन्तवाद र साम्राज्यवादविरोधी सबै तह र तप्काका जनसमुदायलाई संयुक्त पारी सशस्त्र सङ्घर्ष सञ्चालन गरनिेछ । कहिल्यै र कुनै पनि हालतमा पार्टीको कुनै देशी तथा विदेशी प्रतिक्रियावादी गुटहरूको दबाब, धम्की र प्रलोभनमा पर्ने छैन ।
· युद्ध सरल रेखामा होइन, जटिल बक्र रेखामा अघि बढ्नेछ । जित र हातको उपलब्धि र क्षतिका चक्रहरू पार गरेर नै जनयुद्ध विजयी बन्नेछ । खराब कुरालाई असल कुरामा रूपान्तरण गर्ने अन्तरविरोधको नियमलाई ठीक ढङ्गले पक्डेर नै हामीले जनयुद्धको नेतृत्व गर्न सक्नेछौँ ।

http://www.kantipuronline.com/Nepal/aabaran.php

Before they started the war, they had put forward 45 (?? not so sure of the figure though) sutriye maag to the then government headed by Sher B Deuba. Those included:
1. Change in national anthem
2. Free education until high school
3. End to Sanskrit language in schools
4. Inclusion of people of all ethnic groups, caste, sex, etc in the government.
5. Secularism
6. Restructuring the government... power about the army.
7. Republic

and many more... Most of them included words such as "Saamantabad", "bistarbad" (US, India), etc which at that time I had no idea what they meant....

why to sanskrit language?

maobaadi ko aim ke ho bujhna lai " The Killing Field " 7/8 ota Oscar jiteko movie hernu pardachha. Watch the movie and you will get the answer. Astu!

Sorry, it was "40 point demand" and not 45 as I mentioned earlier.

-------------------
40 Point Demand
4 February, 1996

Right Honourable Prime Minister
Prime Minister's Office,
Singha Darbar, Kathmandu
Sub: Memorandum

Sir,

It has been six years since the autocratic monarchical partyless Panchayat system was ended by the 1990 People's Movement and a constitutional monarchical multiparty parliamentary system established. During this period state control has been exercised by a tripartite interim government, a single-party government of the Nepali Congress, a minority government of UML and a present Nepali Congress-RPP-Sadbhavana coalition. That, instead of making progress, The situation of the country and the people is going downhill is evident from the fact that Nepal has slid to being the second poorest country in the world; people living below the absolute poverty line has gone up to 71 per cent; the number of unemployed has reached more than 10 per cent while the number of people who are semi-employed or in disguised employment has crossed 60 per cent; the country is on the verge of bankruptcy due to rising foreign loans and deficit trade; economic and cultural encroachment within the country by foreign, and especially Indian, expansionists is increasing by the day; the gap between the rich and the poor and between towns and villages is growing wider. On (lie other hand, parliamentary parties that have formed the government by various means have shown that they are more interested in remaining in power with the blessings of foreign imperialist and expansionist masters than in the welfare of the country and the people. This is clear from their blindly adopting so-called privatisation and liberalisation to fulfil the interestes of all imperialists and from the recent 'national consensus' reached in handing over the rights over Nepal's water resources to Indian expansionists. Since 6 April, 1992, the United People's Front has been involved in various struggles to fulfil relevant demands related to nationalism, democracy and livelyhood, either by itself or with others. But rather than fulfil those demands, the governments formed at different times have violently suppressed the agitators and taken the lives of hundreds; the most recent example of this is the armed police operation in Rolpa a few months back. In this context, we would like to once again present to the current coalition government demands related to nationalism, democracy and livelihood, which have been raised in the past and many of which have become relevant in the present context.

Our demands

Concerning nationality

1. All discriminatory treaties, including the 1950 Nepal-India Treaty, should be abrogated.

2. The so-called Integrated Mahakali Treaty concluded on 29 January, 1996 should be repealed immediately, as it is designed to conceal the disastrous Tanakpur Treaty and allows Indian imperialist monopoly over Nepal's water resources.

3. The open border between Nepal and India should be regulated, controlled and systematised. All vehicles with Indian licence plates should be banned from Nepal.

4. The Gurkha/Gorkha Recruitment Centres should be closed. Nepali citizens should be provided dignified employment in the country.

5. Nepali workers should be given priority in different sectors. A 'work permit' system should be strictly implemented if foreign workers are required in the country.

6. The domination of foreign capital in Nepali industries, business and finance should be stopped.

7. An appropriate customs policy should be devised and implemented so that economic development helps the nation become self-reliant.

8. The invasion of imperialist and colonial culture should be banned. Vulgar Hindi films, videos and magazines should be immediately outlawed.

9. The invasion of colonial and imperial elements in the name of NGOs and INGOs should be stopped.

Concerning people's democracy

10. A new constitution should be drafted by representatives elected for the establishment of a people's democratic system.

11. All special privileges of the king and the royal family should be abolished.

12. The army, the police and the bureaucracy should be completely under people's control.

13. All repressive acts, including the Security Act, should be repealed.

14. Everyone arrested extra-judicially for political reasons or revenge in Rukum, Rolpa, Jajarkot, Gorkha, Kabhrc, Sindhupalchowk. Sindhuli, Dhanusa, Ramechhap, and so on, should be immediately released. All false cases should be immediately withdrawn.

15. The operation of armed police, repression and state-sponsored terror should be immediately stopped.

16. The whereabouts of citizens who disappeared in police custody at different times, namely Dilip Chaudhary, Bhuwan Thapa Magar, Prabhakar Subedi and others, should be investigated and those responsible brought to justice. The families of victims should be duly compensated.

17. All those killed during the People's Movement should be declared martyrs. The families of the martyrs and those injured and deformed should be duly compensated, and the murderers brought to justice.

18. Nepal should be declared a secular nation.

19. Patriarchal exploitation and discrimination against women should be stopped. Daughters should be allowed access to paternal property.

20. All racial exploitation and suppression should be stopped. Where ethnic communities are in the majority, they should be allowed to form their own autonomous governments.

21. Discrimination against downtrodden and backward people should be stopped. The system of untouchability should be eliminated.

22. All languages and dialects should be given equal opportunities to prosper. The right to education in the mother tongue up to higher levels should be guaranteed.

23. The right to expression and freedom of press and publication should be guaranteed. The government mass media should be completely autonomous.

24. Academic and professional freedom of scholars, writers, artists and cultural workers should be guaranteed.

25. Regional discrimination between the hills and the tarai should be eliminated. Backward areas should be given regional autonomy. Rural and urban areas should be treated at par.

26. Local bodies should be empowered and appropriately equipped.

Concerning livelihood

27. Land should be belong to 'tenants'. Land under the control of the feudal system should be confiscated and distributed to the landless and the homeless.

28. The property of middlemen and comprador capitalists should be confiscated and nationalised. Capital lying unproductive should be invested to promote industrialisation.

29. Employment should be guaranteed for all. Until such time as employment can be arranged, an unemployment allowance should be provided.

30. A minimum wage for workers in industries, agriculture and so on should be fixed and strictly implemented.

31. The homeless should be rehabilitated. No one should be ' relocated until alternative infrastructure is guaranteed.

32. Poor farmers should be exempt from loan repayments. Loans taken by small farmers from the Agricultural Development Bank should be written off. Appropriate provisions should be made to provide loans for small farmers.

33. Fertiliser and seeds should be easily available and at a cheap rate. Farmers should be provided with appropriate prices and markets for their produce.

34. People in flood and drought-affected areas should be provided with appropriate relief materials.

35. Free and scientific health services and education should be available to all. The commercialisation of education should be stopped.

36. Inflation should be checked. Wages should be increased proportionate to inflation. Essential goods should be cheaply and easily available to everyone.

37. Drinking water, roads and electricity should be provided to all villagers.

38. Domestic and cottage industries should be protected and promoted.

39. Corruption, smuggling, black marketing, bribery, and the practices of middlemen and so on should be eliminated.

40. Orphans, the disabled, the elderly and children should be duly honoured and protected.

We would like to request the present coalition government to immediately initiate steps to fulfil these demands which are inextricably linked with the Nepali nation and the life of the people. If there are no positive indications towards this from the government by 17 February, 1996, we would like to inform you that we will be forced to adopt the path of armed struggle against the existing state power.

Thank you.

Dr Baburam Bhattarai
Chairman
Central Committee, United People's Front, Nepal

Source: Deepak Thapa, ed., Understanding the Maoist Movement of Nepal, Kathmandu, Martin Chautari, 2003, pp. 391, First published in Dr Baburam Bhattarai, Barta ra tatkalin rajnaitik nikasko prashna, Kathmandu: Publication Department, Special Central Command, CPN (Maoist), Fagun 2059 BS.

http://www.satp.org/satporgtp/countries/nepal/document/papers/40points.htm

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